Morbid Symptoms by Donald Sassoon
Author:Donald Sassoon
Language: eng
Format: epub
Publisher: Verso Books
Included in the category of âcitizens of nowhereâ (in a different era she might even have used the words ârootless cosmopolitansâ) were âleft-wing human rights lawyersâ who âharass the bravest of the braveâ (i.e. returning soldiers). Had Jeremy Corbyn used that language he would have been decried by many in his own party as an anti-Semite. William Davies, writing in the London Review of Books, declared he was âsurprised that a speech condemning financial elites, human rights lawyers and nationless people in blanket terms wasnât interpreted as anti-Semiticâ.162
Totally out of sync with these developments, Corbynâs opponents in the Parliamentary Labour Party vociferously argued that he was a throwback to the 1960s. They seemed to accept that the only valid politics were variants of Thatcherism or, to coin a phrase, Thatcherism with a human face. In its rhetoric if not its deeds, the PLP even found itself by-passed on the left by the Conservatives.
But the Conservativesâ swing to the left did not fool anyone (few people read manifestos anyway). Theresa May lost her majority. The pledge to have workers on company boards was swiftly abandoned. The Social Mobility Commission â set up by the Conservative-led coalition in 2012 to monitor progress towards improving social mobility â resigned six months after the election, citing âlack of political leadershipâ.
The electoral swing to Labour in 2017 (plus 9.6 per cent), though not sufficient to ensure victory, was stronger than that in any previous election since 1945. Labour did particularly well among young voters. Corbyn won the support of two-thirds of the under-twenty-fours, and over half those aged twenty-five to thirty-four, leaving the Conservatives ahead only among electors aged forty-five and older. (The Labour advance among the young was confirmed even in the disastrous election of December 2019.)
In 2017 Labourâs share of support rose to 40 per cent â five points above Blair in 2005, and adding 3.5 million votes to Labourâs total under Ed Miliband in 2015. Corbyn did well in working-class areas of the north such as Oldham West and Royton, where there was a swing of over 10 per cent, quite contrary to the impression Rafael Behr had sought to convey during the by-election of December 2015, when he explained that âIn Oldham, Jeremy Corbyn is just another face of âponcifiedâ Labourâ (Guardian, 2 December 2015). Behr recanted two years later: âJeremy Corbynâs supporters correctly understood that his candidacy represented a total rupture from the partyâs past.â163 Pity Behr hadnât. Politicians, even intelligent ones, were no better: in August 2016 Sadiq Khan had urged Labour members to vote for Owen Smith, declaring âWe cannot win with Corbynâ (Guardian, 21 August 2016).
The so-called âcommentariatâ also got it completely wrong, particularly those writing for the left-leaning liberal press. On 31 March 2017, the New Statesman intoned: âCorbynâs failure is no excuse for fatalism.â In the same issue, Nick Pearce (Professor of Public Policy at Bath) explained to all and sundry that âCorbynism is invisible now. It has no secrets to conceal.â On 25 February
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